GoodFuels

The Politics of Ethanol

(This was published Friday, August 31, 2008 in The Ethanol Monitor)

As I reviewed the volumes of information we have gathered over the past 18 months, I couldn’t help but wonder how the ethanol industry survived the massive campaign against it and I can only conclude that strong political support has managed to beat back challenge after challenge designed to undermine and slow its evolution.

Now it comes down to two candidates and two parties, a decision which could bolster or weaken the industry for years to come. No matter how you slice it, this election is pivotal for the future of ethanol in the U.S.—and that includes corn-based and next generation fuels.

This is not about endorsing one candidate or another, but rather pointing out the differences between the two, how their visions contrast with respect to energy and America’s future, both from the standpoint of our addiction to oil and how the U.S., the leading polluter on the planet, should be taking the lead in reducing the potential impact of global warming.

In several instances over the past four years I have had the privilege to meet many in the ethanol industry, and when asked why I ever got involved in this field, my answer is always the same. I have been writing about energy of all types for longer than I care to remember. The oil and gas industries fascinated me simply because I quickly recognized the importance these commodities had to the well being and advancement of civilization, but how politically fractious they were and how nations would take up arms to protect their share of these precious resources.

Russia’s sudden invasion into Georgia recently, the latest in the Soviet Union and now Russia’s desire to control the resources of its presumed empire, is just the most recent reminder of how oil and gas power corrupts.

But my answer as to why I ever got involved with ethanol at all goes back to September 11, 2001. That changed everything and brought to the forefront that we could no longer depend on oil to fuel growth.

The single belief should be that the national security threat to dependable oil resources is not acceptable. From corruption in Nigeria to a semi-dictatorship in Venezuela, to Russian resource expansionist policies represent just a few of the challenges the oil dependent world faces in the years ahead. To the U.S., the threat of Islamic extremism centered in the oil capitols of the world may be more publicized, but no more dangerous than the many geopolitical issues that surround what is the thread that holds together the world’s economies.

More than any other reason, ethanol became a necessity, but it wasn’t always that way.

Ethanol has been around for many years yet I was not a believer 10 years ago. I had spent much of my adult life believing that oil would always be cheap. After all, it never seemed to keep up with inflation from a price standpoint and global warming was not at the forefront of environmental concerns. Meanwhile, there was a global expansion at work as industrialization was coming to undeveloped countries and the world’s appetite for oil grew. What a difference a few years makes.

Fast forward to 2004 and the second Bush term and we find a sudden and unexpected shift in U.S. policy to support a growing ethanol industry as a means to lessen our addiction to oil. The political game was now underway.

Challenges rose up overnight as opponents of ethanol, or as they framed the issue, a fuel taken from the food supply to fuel our greedy desire to drive our cars, leaving the world to simply accept the consequences of soaring food costs.

There are many that oppose ethanol because they simply oppose all government subsidies. There are those that oppose ethanol because it’s a competitor. Others question the economics and energy output of ethanol, but the loudest contingent of opponents mounted the campaign that ethanol—in all forms—was starving the world. Whether it was too much corn demand taking away grain supplies or the deforestation of the Amazon as demand for grazing lands grew due to crop expansion to feed the ethanol supply chain in Brazil, the end result was food prices out of reach for much of the developing world.

Naturally, there was exaggeration across the board, and somehow, despite all the anti-ethanol rhetoric, ethanol was chipping away at the consumption of oil. As Brazil accomplished in the last decade, the U.S. was finally doing something about oil dependence.

Just this week, U.S. Agriculture Secretary Ed Schafer says he believes ethanol is gradually winning a perception battle over whether ethanol is a good alternative fuel. Schafer says rising energy prices not ethanol production is mostly to blame for increased prices on any number of goods. He added that Texas (that unsuccessfully launched a challenge to the ethanol mandate) has realized the benefit of fuel price savings which greatly outweighed increased costs to the livestock industry.

Schafer also said the ethanol industry will be moving away from corn-based ethanol, and start using switchgrass and other sources of starch and consumers are beginning to understand the value of ethanol and are beginning to doubt arguments that it is to blame for soaring food prices. I’m not as confident as Secretary Schafer might be, but I do agree with him that next generation fuels are coming, and much faster than anyone might have predicted a few years ago.

Yet the changes, or as I call it—the evolution of the ethanol industry—is even more impressive. Per acre yields of corn are growing. The industry has improved the amount of ethanol from a bushel of corn and with the help of portions of the oil industry, has advanced the needed infrastructure to move, store and supply ethanol. Scientific advances to breaking down raw materials to yield starch will not only fuel the cellulosic boom that is coming, but make ethanol production of all forms, including corn-based, more efficient. Frankly, I’m amazed at the progress that has been made in such a short period of time, and despite what the critics say, without a lot of government help. Yes, without a lot of government help.

To launch a challenge to America’s dependence on oil one would expect that the cost would be in the many billions of dollars. Frankly, the investment by the government has fallen well short of a true campaign against oil dependency, instead spending the many billions of dollars to make sure oil flows and there is some stability in the region of the world that supplies about 40% of it.

We can debate the Iraq war forever and never arrive at a consensus as to why we fought it—history will eventually sort it out. More importantly, we must never again fight a war to protect the flow of oil.

With an eye to the future, John McCain hates all subsidies. In fact the last line of the economy section of the working draft of the Republican platform reads: “The U.S. government should end mandates for ethanol and let the free market work.”

I shudder when I read that simply because it could have been written by ExxonMobil. It also runs counter as to why ethanol has become a necessity in 2008. It also says the U.S. is not serious about confronting the dangers our dependence on oil presents. It is a statement that unravels all that has been done, undermines the tremendous private investment in next generation fuels and stands as a guarantee that our military will certainly be involved for years to come in protecting the flow of oil around the world.

The Democrats at this juncture seek to preserve the progress made to date and further the progress. There is much reference on both sides about plug-in hybrids, but the real goal should be ethanol-capable plug-in hybrids as we further distance ourselves from imported oil.

We can get caught up in all the arguments pro and con with respect to ethanol including emissions, the relatively small contribution to rising food prices and subsidies, but to me it has always been an issue of National Security.

Can we limit the influence of Hugo Chavez and his socialistic agenda? Can we reduce Iran’s growing and destabilizing influence in the Middle East? Can we lessen the threat of Russian ambitions over natural resources? The answer is simple and obvious. Lower oil prices and strip these threats of the revenue that supports their rise, and thus the threat they represent. That means conserve and replace oil where it is consumed. The last time I looked, the U.S. was still consuming about 25% of the world’s oil. We’ve created our own monster and it would be ludicrous to unravel the progress made to cut that number down.

As I peruse the usual blogs I find I have less and less patience for the stupid little arguments about a couple of miles per gallon. Frankly, from the standpoint of U.S. National Security, I wouldn’t care if ethanol got half the mileage of gasoline. I wouldn’t care if corn-based ethanol was responsible for 70% of the rise in food prices.

Just as the statement “it’s the economy stupid,” achieved notoriety, in this political season, the catch-phrase should be “it’s about National Security stupid.”

Mad and Leery in Ames Says:

September 3rd, 2008 at 3:10 pm

The GOP leadership can’t walk the walk on national defense and forget about ethanol and other alternative energy displacing unstable imported crude oil. We help change the equation every time the wind blows or an ear of corn is harvested. I am one very disappointed Republican. They have it wrong and hopefully the Republicans with foresight will be able to keep the others in check. Going back to the same old, tired Republican thinking will keep us at risk for our children’s and grandchildren’s security. There are some of us centered Republicans willing to pay more for this security even if it takes a Democrat to see President Bush’s initiatives through to the end.

Edward from Colorado Says:

September 5th, 2008 at 6:46 am

I suggest Senator John McCain should not be tied directly to the Republican Party Platform of 2008 (see “McCain Policies Differ Sharply from Party Plank”, New York Times, September 3, 2008). Further, the following key measures in the Republican Platform support energy independence and the ethanol industry:

• “To meet surging global demand for food and biofuel, farmers must have the technology to grow higher yields using fewer inputs. (see Subsection entitled “Supporting our Agricultural Communities”, page 29).

• “We must continue to develop alternative fuels, such as biofuels, especially cellulosic ethanol, and hasten their technological advances to next-generation production. Because alternative fuels are useless if vehicles cannot use them, we must move quickly to flexible fuel vehicles.” (See Section entitled “Energy Independence and Security”, page 31).

• “We will be well positioned to address the challenge of climate change and continue our longstanding responsibility for stewardship over the environment.” (See Section entitled “Environmental Protection”, page 35).

With a visit to Senator McCain’s campaign website (www.johnmccain.com), one will find Senator McCain supports energy independence using an “all of the above” mentality and supports the ethanol industry (alcohol-based fuels and 100 percent of production vehicles capable of flex fuel vehicles). And don’t forget that Senator McCain joined with Senator Lieberman to offer the first U.S. legislation for climate change and carbon controls.

Senator McCain is not anti-ethanol. To say that Senator McCain favors less government control and less skewing of markets through subsidy is more accurate. That kind of reform may be coming some day and the industry should prepare for it.


To Edward from Colorado:
I understand where you are coming from. Wouldn’t we all want to see the Maverick John McCain we knew several years ago. Unfortunately, that’s not what the record shows. I believe he has been running to win, not be the Maverick he professes he is. Perhaps if he wins he will actually revert back to the Maverick America appreciated.
But I have my doubts. Specifically, you cannot favor second generation fuels without supporting and funding first generation fuels. Exactly who and what will supply America with second generation fuels if not the first generation infrastructure and production capabilities. To guarantee a market for second generation fuels, you must have already constructed a market that functions – with both supply and demand patterns in place – and it must be a reliable pattern. Otherwise investment will dry up.
I see the ethanol industry evolving into a second generation machine to produce ethanol. I see conversions taking place that transform existing corn-ethanol facilities into units that churn out a percentage of second generation fuels along with first generation ethanol.
Without blenders credits, oil industry support would fade. I’m not talking about “big oil” support that is not present. I’m talking about mid-level oil – specifically the thousands of independent marketers, distributors and retailers out there willing to take a chance on ethanol, as they themselves defy “big oil.” They continue to move the blending wall.
Without a mandate in place, “big oil” would then have the tool to slowly, or even rapidly, dismantle ethanol production. Since they would no longer be required to use ethanol, they would find a substitute to comply with RFG blending requirements, because they would need an alternative to ethanol simply because their intention would be to wipe it off the planet, except in Brazil of course, where “big oil” actually embraces ethanol.
Here’s the big problem. There is not an industry in the U.S. that is not subsidized in some form. Oil is perhaps the biggest culprit, probably because they are the most powerful. We can argue for hours on just how the oil industry is subsidized, but I don’t see the U.S going to war to guarantee that the peanut market thrives.
Just ask yourself one very important question. Would we be in Iraq if Iraq’s major export was peanuts? Let me further that premise to Saudi Arabia and Kuwait. Let’s say their biggest exports are olive oil and sunflower seeds, respectively. And Iran’s largest export was coffee. I dare say our recent history would have been very different.
That means the last 20 years of U.S. foreign policy didn’t happen. If Iraq invaded Kuwait to seize Kuwait’s olive oil industry, the world would not have blinked. Even more importantly, on the way to Kuwait, Iraq decided to seize the Saudi sunflower industry as well. Our military would never have spent even a minute in that region.
We can go back decades more and we would see that, other than obvious Arab-Israeli issues in the region, we would have no reason to be paying much attention at all.
That’s why September 11, 2001 was a turning point for me. The U.S. would go to war just as quickly to defend Saudi Arabia and its oil fields, than we would to protect Israel. That’s just a fact. And we can also argue for hours about Saudi Arabia and its human rights record, the fact that they are an ally and we look the other way and treat their rule of submission as a right, whereas we are quick to defy others who rule the same way. Let’s not forget that Saudi Arabia is not a “happy” country. Many of its citizens – and former citizens such as Osama bin Laden – would like nothing better than to see the destruction and collapse of the Royal Family and its rule.
And as we just honored the seventh anniversary of 9/11, we should never forget that 15 of the 19 hijackers that day were Saudi citizens. No Iraqis, no Iranians, no Palestinians. They were primarily citizens of our allies in the region, including Jordan and Egypt. That tells us how difficult the political situation is in this oil-rich part of the world and further magnifies the importance we place on oil flowing freely.
We cannot rewrite history, but we can take steps to re-direct our policies, and that must include reducing and eventually eliminating our addiction to oil. That means support of ethanol and everything else that would replace fossil fuels. If that becomes our major goal, we may just save the planet in the process.

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